Judulnya terlalu bombastis ya? hehheee.. Biasanya komentar yang masup di artikel-artikel itu pendek-pendek, ya minimal PERTAMAXXX lahh…. Tap...
Judulnya terlalu bombastis ya? hehheee.. Biasanya komentar yang masup di artikel-artikel itu pendek-pendek, ya minimal PERTAMAXXX lahh…. Tapi di artikel yang kutulis Juni 2007 lalu tentang 10 Universitas Terbaik di Indonesia, ada beberapa komentar yang menurutku lebih dari biasanya. Mungkin yang komentar tersebut copy paste dari artikel yang dia tulis karena terlihat serius seperti ini:
Komentar terpanjang pertama :
# denise Says:
Februari 11th, 2008 at 1:58 pm edit
Colonial era
Beginning in the sixteenth century, successive waves of Europeans — the Portuguese, Spanish, Dutch and British — sought to dominate the spice trade at its sources in India and the ‘Spice Islands’ (Maluku) of Indonesia. This meant finding a way to Asia to cut out Muslim merchants who, with their Venetian outlet in the Mediterranean, monopolised spice imports to Europe. Astronomically priced at the time, spices were highly coveted not only to preserve and make poorly preserved meat palatable, but also as medicines and magic potions.
The arrival of Europeans in South East Asia is often regarded as the watershed moment in its history. Other scholars consider this view untenable,[16] arguing that European influence during the times of the early arrivals of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was limited in both area and depth. This is in part due to Europe not being the most advanced or dynamic area of the world in the early fifteenth century. Rather, the major expansionist force of this time was Islam; in 1453, for example, the Ottoman Turks conquered Constantinople, while Islam continued to spread through Indonesia and the Philippines. European influence, particularly that of the Dutch, would not have its greatest impact on Indonesia until the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
The Portuguese
The nutmeg plant is native to Indonesia’s Banda Islands. Once one of the world’s most valuable commodities, it drew the first European colonial powers to Indonesia.
Europeans were, however, making technological advances; new found Portuguese expertise in navigation, ship building and weaponry allowed them to make daring expeditions of exploration and expansion. Starting with the first exploratory expeditions sent from newly-conquered Malacca in 1512, the Portuguese were the first Europeans to arrive in Indonesia, and sought to dominate the sources of valuable spices[17] and to extend their Roman Catholic missionary efforts. Portuguese made a peace treaty with Sunda Kingdom and erected a padrao in current Tugu area of North Jakarta in 1522 AD.[18] [19] Maluku comprised a varied collection of principalities and kingdoms that were occasionally at war with each other but maintained significant inter-island and international trade. Through both military conquest and alliance with local rulers, they established trading posts, forts, and missions in eastern Indonesia including the islands of Ternate, Ambon, and Solor. The height of Portuguese missionary activities, however, came at the latter half of the sixteenth century, after the pace of their military conquest in the archipelago had stopped and their east Asian interest was shifting to Japan, Macau and China; and sugar in Brazil and the Atlantic slave trade in turn further distracted their Indonesian efforts.
The Portuguese presence in Indonesia was reduced to Solor, Flores and Timor in modern day Nusa Tenggara, following defeat in 1575 at Ternate at the hands of indigenous Ternateans, Dutch conquests in Ambon, north Maluku and Banda, and a general failure for sustained control of trade in the region.[20] In comparison with the original Portuguese ambition to dominate Asian trade, their influences on Indonesian culture are small: the romantic keroncong guitar ballads; a large number of Indonesian words which reflect Portuguese’s role as the ‘lingua franca’ of the archipelago alongside Malay; and many family names in eastern Indonesia such as da Costa, Dias, de Fretes, Gonsalves, etc. The most significant impacts of the Portuguese arrival were the disruption and disorganisation of the trade network mostly as a result of their conquest of Malacca, and the first significant plantings of Christianity in Indonesia. There have continued to be Christian communities in eastern Indonesia through to contemporary times, which has contributed to a sense of shared interest with Europeans, particularly among the Ambonese.[21]
Dutch East-India Company
The logo of the Amsterdam Chamber of the Dutch East-India Company (VOC). The Dutch followed the Portuguese aspirations, courage, brutality and strategies but brought better organisation, weapons, ships, and superior financial backing. Although they failed to gain complete control of the Indonesian spice trade, they had much more success than the previous Portuguese efforts. Beginning in 1602 with the founding of the Dutch East India Company, the Dutch took three centuries to establish themselves as rulers of what is now Indonesia, exploiting the fractionalisation of the small kingdoms that had replaced Majapahit. Unlike the Portuguese, the Dutch established a permanent foothold in Java, from which the Dutch ultimately established a land-based colonial empire known as the Dutch East Indies into one of the world’s richest colonial possessions.[22] Although the full extent of the colonial territory was not established until the early Twentieth century, it was these boundaries that formed the modern nation of Indonesia that was declared in 1945. Portuguese Timor, however, remained under Portuguese rule until 1975 when it was invaded and occupied, and declared the Indonesia province of East Timor until 1999.
In the 17th and 18th centuries the Dutch East Indies were not controlled directly by the Dutch government, but by a joint-stock trading company, the Dutch East India Company (in Dutch: Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie or VOC). The VOC had been awarded a monopoly on trade and colonial activities in the region by the Dutch parliament in 1602, but had no territory of its own in Java. In 1619, the Company conquered the Javanese city of Jayakarta, burned it to the ground and then founded the city of Batavia (present-day Jakarta), modelling it on Amsterdam.
A primary aim of the VOC was the maintenance of its monopoly of the spice trade in the archipelago. It did this through the use and threatened use of violence against the peoples of the spice-producing islands, and against non-Dutch outsiders who attempted to trade with them. For example, when the people of the Banda Islands continued to sell nutmeg to English merchants, the Dutch killed or deported virtually the entire population and repopulated the islands with VOC indentured servants and slaves who worked in the nutmeg groves.
The VOC became deeply involved in the internal politics of Java in this period, and fought in a number of wars involving the leaders of Mataram and Banten (Bantam).
Dutch state rule
Batavian (Jakarta) tea factory in the 1860s
After the VOC was dissolved in 1800 following bankruptcy,[17] and after a short British rule under Thomas Stamford Raffles, the Dutch state took over the VOC possessions in 1816. For most of the colonial period, Dutch control over these territories was tenuous; only in the early 20th century did Dutch dominance extend to what was to become Indonesia’s current boundaries.N1 A Javanese uprising was crushed in the Java War of 1825–1830. After 1830 a system of forced cultivations was introduced on Java, the Cultivation System (in Dutch: cultuurstelsel). This system brought the Dutch and their Indonesian collaborators enormous wealth. The cultivation system was a government monopoly and was abolished in a more liberal period after 1870.
During Dutch rule, several important treaties that delineate modern Indonesian borders were signed. One of them was the Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1824. This particular treaty effectively delineated the border of future British Malaya and Dutch East Indies.
In 1901 the Dutch adopted what they called the Ethical Policy, which included somewhat increased investment in indigenous education, and modest political reforms. Under governor-general J.B. van Heutsz the government extended more direct colonial rule throughout the Dutch East Indies, thereby laying the foundations of today’s Indonesian state.
The emergence of Indonesia
Indonesian National Revival
Sukarno, Indonesian Nationalist leader, and later, first president of Indonesia
In 1908 the first nationalist movement was formed, Budi Utomo, followed in 1912 by the first nationalist mass movement, Sarekat Islam. The Dutch responded after the First World War with repressive measures. The nationalist leaders came from a small group of young professionals and students, some of whom had been educated in the Netherlands. Many, including Indonesia’s first president, Sukarno (1901–70), were imprisoned for political activities.
In 1914 exiled Dutch socialist Henk Sneevliet founded the Indies Social Democratic Association. Initially a small forum of Dutch socialists, it would later evolve into the Communist Party of Indonesia.
Japanese occupation
The Japanese invasion and subsequent occupation during WWII ended Dutch rule,[23] and encouraged the previously suppressed Indonesian independence movement. In May 1940, early in World War II, the Netherlands was occupied by Nazi Germany. The Dutch East Indies declared a state of siege and in July redirected exports for Japan to the US and Britain. Negotiations with the Japanese aimed at securing supplies of aviation fuel collapsed in June 1941, and the Japanese started their conquest of Southeast Asia in December of that year. That same month, factions from Sumatra sought Japanese assistance for a revolt against the Dutch wartime government. The last Dutch forces were defeated by Japan in March 1942.
In July 1942, Sukarno accepted Japan’s offer to rally the public in support of the Japanese war effort. Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta were decorated by the Emperor of Japan in 1943. However, experience of the Japanese occupation of Indonesia varied considerably, depending upon where one lived and one’s social position. Many who lived in areas considered important to the war effort experienced torture, sex slavery, arbitrary arrest and execution, and other war crimes. Thousands taken away from Indonesia as war labourers (romusha) suffered or died as a result of ill-treatment and starvation. People of Dutch and mixed Dutch-Indonesian descent were particular targets of the Japanese occupation.
In March 1945 Japan organized an Indonesian committee (BPUPKI) on independence. At its first meeting in May, Supomo spoke of national integration and against personal individualism; while Muhammad Yamin suggested that the new nation should claim Sarawak, Sabah, Malaya, Portuguese Timor, and all the pre-war territories of the Dutch East Indies. The committee drafted the 1945 Constitution, which remains in force, though now much amended. On 9 August 1945 Sukarno, Hatta, and Radjiman Wediodiningrat were flown to meet Marshal Hisaichi Terauchi in Vietnam. They were told that Japan intended to announce Indonesian independence on 24 August. After the Japanese surrender however, Sukarno unilaterally proclaimed Indonesian independence on 17 August.
Indonesian National Revolution
The independence declaration announced by Sukarno
Under pressure from radical and politicised pemuda (’youth’) groups, Sukarno and Hatta proclaimed Indonesian independence, on 17 August 1945, two days after the Japanese Emperor’s surrender in the Pacific. The following day, the Central Indonesian National Committee (KNIP) declared Sukarno President, and Hatta Vice President.[24] Word of the proclamation spread by shortwave and fliers while the Indonesian war-time military (PETA), youths, and others rallied in support of the new republic, often moving to take over government offices from the Japanese.
The Netherlands, initially backed by the British tried to re-establish their rule,[25] and a bitter armed and diplomatic struggle ended in December 1949, when in the face of international pressure, the Dutch formally recognised Indonesian independence.[26] Dutch efforts to re-establish complete control met resistance. At the end of World War II, a power vacuum arose, and the nationalists often succeeded in seizing the arms of the demoralised Japanese. A period of unrest with city guerrilla warfare called the Bersiap period ensued. Groups of Indonesian nationalists armed with improvised weapons (like bamboo spears) but also firearms attacked returning Allied troops. 3500 Europeans were killed and 20000 were missing, meaning more European deaths in Indonesia after the war than during the war. After returning to Java, Dutch forces quickly re-occupied the colonial capital of Batavia (now Jakarta), so the city of Yogyakarta in central Java became the capital of the nationalist forces. Negotiations with the nationalists led to two major truce agreements, but disputes about their implementation, and much mutual provocation, led each time to renewed conflict. Within four years the Dutch had recaptured almost the whole of Indonesia, but guerrilla resistance, led on Java by commander Nasution persisted. On 27 December 1949, after four years of sporadic warfare and fierce criticism of the Dutch by the United Nations, the Netherlands officially recognised Indonesian sovereignty under the federal structure of the United States of Indonesia (RUSI). On 17 August 1950, exactly five years after the proclamation of independence, the last of the federal states were dissolved and Sukarno proclaimed a single unitary Republic of Indonesia.[27]
Sukarno’s presidency
Democratic experiment
With the unifying struggle to secure Indonesia’s independence over, divisions in Indonesian society began to appear. These included regional differences in customs, religion, the impact of Christianity and Marxism, and fears of Javanese political domination. Following colonial rule, Japanese occupation, and war against the Dutch, the new country suffered from severe poverty, a ruinous economy, low educational and skills levels, and authoritarian traditions.[28] Challenges to the authority of the Republic included the militant Darul Islam who waged a guerrilla struggle against the Republic from 1948 to 1962; the declaration of an independent Republic of South Maluku by Ambonese formerly of the Royal Dutch Indies Army; and rebellions in Sumatra and Sulawesi between 1955 and 1961.
In contrast to the 1945 Constitution, the 1950 constitution mandated a parliamentary system of government, an executive responsible to the parliament, and stipulated at length constitutional guarantees for human rights, drawing heavily on the 1948 United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights.[29] A proliferation of political parties dealing for shares of cabinet seats resulted in a rapid turnover of coalition governments including 17 cabinets between 1945 and 1958. The long-postponed parliamentary elections were held in 1955; the Indonesian National Party (PNI) — considered Sukarno’s party — topped the poll, and the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI) received strong support, but no party garnered more than a quarter of the votes, which resulted in short-lived coalitions.[30]
Guided Democracy
Coat of Arms of the Republic of Indonesia, adopted 1950
By 1956, Sukarno was openly criticising parliamentary democracy, stating that it was “based upon inherent conflict” which ran counter to Indonesian notions of harmony as being the natural state human relationships. Instead, he sought a system based on the traditional village system of discussion and consensus, under the guidance of village elders. He proposed a threefold blend of nasionalisme (’nationalism’), agama (’religion’), and komunisme (’communism’) into a co-operative ‘Nas-A-Kom’ government. This was intended to appease the three main factions in Indonesian politics — the army, Islamic groups, and the communists. With the support of the military, he proclaimed in February 1957, ‘Guided Democracy’, and proposed a cabinet of representing all the political parties of importance (including the PKI).[30]
Sukarno abrogated the 1950 Constitution on 9 July 1959 by a decree dissolving the Constitutional Assembly and restoring the 1945 Constitution.[30] The elected parliament was replaced by one appointed by, and subject to the will of, the President. Another non-elected body, the Supreme Advisory Council, was the main policy development body, while the National Front was set up in September 1960 and presided over by the president to “mobilise the revolutionary forces of the people”.[30] Western-style parliamentary democracy was thus finished in Indonesia until the 1999 elections of the Reformasi era.[30]
Sukarno’s revolution and nationalism
Charismatic Sukarno spoke as a romantic revolutionary, and under his increasingly authoritarian rule, Indonesia moved on a course of stormy nationalism. Sukarno was popularly referred to as bung (”older brother”), and he painted himself as a man of the people carrying the aspirations of Indonesia and one who dared take on the West.[31] He instigated a number of large, ideologically-driven infrastructure projects and monuments celebrating Indonesia’s identity, which were criticised as substitutes for real development in a deteriorating economy.[31]
Western New Guinea had been part of the Dutch East Indies, and Indonesian nationalists had thus claimed it on this basis. Indonesian was able to instigate a diplomatic and military confrontation with the Dutch over the territory following an Indonesian-Soviet arms agreement in 1960. It was, however, United States pressure on the Netherlands that led to an Indonesian takeover in 1963.[32] Also in 1963, Indonesia commenced Konfrontasi with the new state of Malaysia. The northern states of Borneo, formerly British Sarawak and Sabah, had wavered in joining Malaysia, whilst Indonesia saw itself as the rightful rulers of the Malay race and supported an unsuccessful revolution attempt in Brunei.[32] Reviving the glories of the Indonesian National Revolution, Sukarno rallied against notions of British imperialism mounting military offensives along the Indonesia-Malaysia border in Borneo. As the PKI rallied in Jakarta streets in support, the West became increasingly alarmed at Indonesian foreign policy and the United States withdrew its aid to Indonesia.[32]
Indonesia’s economic position continued to deteriorate; by the mid-1960s, the cash-strapped government had to scrap critical public sector subsidies, inflation was at 1,000%, export revenues were shrinking, infrastructure crumbling, and factories were operating at minimal capacity with negligible investment. Severe poverty and hunger was widespread.[33][32]
The New Order
Transition to the New Order
Described as the great dalang (”puppet master”), Sukarno’s position depended on balancing the opposing and increasingly hostile forces of the army and PKI. Sukarno’s anti-imperial ideology saw Indonesia increasingly dependent on Soviet and then communist China. By 1965, the PKI was the largest communist party in the world outside the Soviet Union or China, and penetrated all levels of government extensively. It increasingly gained influence at the expense of the army. By late 1965, the Indonesian Army was divided between a left-wing allied with the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI), and a right-wing that were being courted from abroad by the United States.
On September 30, 1965 six of the most senior generals within the military and other officers were executed in an attempted coup. Led by Colonel Untung of the palace guards and backed by elements of the armed forces, the insurgents took up positions and later seized the national radio station. They claimed they were acting against a plot organised by the generals to overthrow Sukarno. Within a few hours, Major General Suharto, commander of the Army Strategic Reserve (Kostrad), mobilised counteraction, and by the evening of 1 October, it was clear the coup, which had little coordination and was largely limited to Jakarta, had failed.
Complicated and partisan theories continue to this day over the identity of the coup attempt organisers and their aims. According to the Indonesian army, the PKI were behind the coup and used disgruntled army officers to carry it out. This would become the official account of Suharto’s subsequent New Order’s administration. Other theories suggest it was largely an internal army affair led by younger officers against the older leadership. Other theories suggest that Sukarno himself was behind the coup, and others that suggest that Suharto was involved. Most historians agree that the coup was not lead by a single mastermind controlling all events and that the full truth will never likely be known.
While the PKI’s role in the events of the night of 30 September-1 October remains debated, the effects on it were devastating. Anti-communists, initially following the army’s lead, and encouraged by Western embassies,N2 went on a violent anti-communist purge through villages, during which the PKI was blamed for the coup and effectively destroyed.[34] The most widely accepted estimates are between 500,000 and one million people killed.[35] The violence was especially brutal in Java and Bali. The party was outlawed and possibly more than 1 million of its leaders and affiliates were imprisoned.[36]
Throughout the 1965–66 period, President Sukarno attempted to restore his political position and shift the country back to its pre-October 1965 position. Although he remained president, the weakened Sukarno was out-manoeuvred and forced to transfer key political and military powers to General Suharto, who by that time had become head of the armed forces. In March 1967, the Provisional People’s Consultative Assembly (MPRS) named General Suharto acting president. Suharto was formally appointed president in March 1968. Sukarno ceased to be a political force and lived under virtual house arrest until his death in 1970.
Entrenchment of the New Order
Suharto was the military president of Indonesia from 1967 to 1998.
In the aftermath of Suharto’s rise, hundreds of thousands of people were killed or imprisoned by the military and religious groups in a backlash against alleged communist supporters.[37] Suharto’s administration is commonly called the New Order era.[38] Suharto invited major foreign investment, which produced substantial, if uneven, economic growth. However, Suharto enriched himself and his family through widespread corruption and was forced to step down amid massive popular demonstrations and a faltering economy by the Indonesian Revolution of 1998.[39] From 1998 to 2005, the country had four presidents: Bacharuddin Jusuf (BJ) Habibie (1998 to 1999), Abdurrahman Wahid (1999 to 2001), Megawati Sukarnoputri (2001 to 2004) and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (2004 to Current).[40] On May 21, 1998, President Suharto announced his resignation and ask Indonesian Vice President DR BJ Habibie to become the new Indonesian President
Forcing out Suharto
Pro-democracy movement
In 1996 Suharto undertook efforts to pre-empt a challenge to the New Order government. The Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI), a legal party that had traditionally propped up the regime had changed direction, and began to assert its independence. Suharto fostered a split over the leadership of PDI, backing a co-opted faction loyal to deputy speaker of Parliament Suryadi against a faction loyal to Megawati Sukarnoputri, the daughter of Sukarno and PDI’s proper chairperson.
After the Suryadi faction announced a party congress to sack Megawati would be held in Medan June 20–22, Megawati proclaimed that her supporters would hold demonstrations in protest. The Suryadi faction went through with its sacking of Megawati, and the demonstrations manifested themselves throughout Indonesia. This lead to several confrontations on the streets between protesters and security forces, and recriminations over the violence. The protests culminated in the military allowing Megawati’s supporters to take over PDI headquarters in Jakarta, with a pledge of no further demonstrations.
Suharto allowed the occupation of PDI headquarters to go on for almost a month, as attentions were also on Jakarta due to a set of high-profile ASEAN meetings scheduled to take place there. Capitalizing on this, Megawati supporters organized “democracy forums” with several speakers at the site. On July 26, officers of the military, Suryadi, and Suharto openly aired their disgust with the forums. (Aspinall 1996)
On July 27, police, soldiers, and persons claiming to be Suryadi supporters stormed the headquarters. Several Megawati supporters were killed, and over two-hundred arrested and tried under the Anti-Subversion and Hate-spreading laws. The day would become known as “Black Saturday” and mark the beginning of a renewed crackdown by the New Order government against supporters of democracy, now called the “Reformasi” or Reformation. (Amnesty International 1996)
Economic crisis and Suharto’s resignation
In 1997 and 1998, Indonesia was the country hardest hit by the East Asian Financial Crisis,[41] which had had dire consequences for the Indonesian economy and society, and Suharto’s regime. The rupiah, the Indonesian currency, took a sharp dive in value. Suharto came under scrutiny from international lending institutions, chiefly the World Bank, International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the United States, over longtime embezzlement of funds and some protectionist policies. In December, Suharto’s government signed a letter of intent to the IMF, pledging to enact austerity measures, including cuts to public services and removal of subsidies, in return for receiving the aid of the IMF and other donors. Prices for goods such as kerosene and rice, and fees for public services including education rose dramatically. The effects were exacerbated by widespread corruption. The austerity measures approved by Suharto had started to erode domestic confidence with the New Order[42] and led to popular protests.
Suharto stood for re-election by parliament for the seventh time in March 1998, justifying it on the grounds of the necessity of his leadership during the crisis. The parliament approved a new term. This sparked protests and riots throughout the country, now termed the Indonesian 1998 Revolution. Dissent within the ranks of his own Golkar party and military finally weakened Suharto, and on May 21 he stood down from power.[43] He was replaced by his deputy Jusuf Habibie.
President Habibie quickly assembled a cabinet. One of its main tasks was to re-establish International Monetary Fund and donor community support for an economic stabilization program. He moved quickly to release political prisoners and lift some controls on freedom of speech and association. Elections for the national, provincial, and sub-provincial parliaments were held on June 7, 1999. For the national parliament, Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P, led by Sukarno’s daughter Megawati Sukarnoputri) won 34% of the vote; Golkar (Suharto’s party; formerly the only legal party of government) 22%; United Development Party (PPP, led by Hamzah Haz) 12%; and National Awakening Party (PKB, led by Abdurrahman Wahid) 10%.
Anarcho-Democracy
In October 1999, the People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR), which consists of the 500-member Parliament plus 200 appointed members, elected Abdurrahman Wahid (commonly referred to as “Gus Dur”) as President, and Megawati Sukarnoputri as Vice President, for 5-year terms. Wahid named his first Cabinet in early November 1999 and a reshuffled, second Cabinet in August 2000. President Wahid’s government continued to pursue democratization and to encourage renewed economic growth under challenging conditions. In addition to continuing economic malaise, his government faced regional, interethnic, and interreligious conflict, particularly in Aceh, Maluku Islands, and Irian Jaya. In West Timor, the problems of displaced East Timorese and violence by pro-Indonesian East Timorese militias caused considerable humanitarian and social problems. An increasingly assertive Parliament frequently challenged President Wahid’s policies and prerogatives, contributing to a lively and sometimes rancorous national political debate.
During the People’s Consultative Assembly’s first annual session in August 2000, President Wahid gave an account of his government’s performance. On January 29, 2001 thousands of student protesters stormed parliament grounds and demanded that President Abdurrahman Wahid resign due to alleged involvement in corruption scandals. Under pressure from the Assembly to improve management and coordination within the government, he issued a presidential decree giving Vice President Megawati control over the day-to-day administration of government. Soon after, Megawati Sukarnoputri assumed the presidency on July 23. In 2004, the largest one-day election in the world and Indonesia’s first direct Presidential election was held and was won by Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, commonly referred by his initials SBY.
Pak Profesor Soekartawi berkomentar sebanyak dua kali
Komentar pertama
# Dr. Soekartawi Says:
Agustus 16th, 2007 at 11:14 pm edit
Dear Colleagues,
Greetings from MOE Indonesia,
We are pleased to inform you that MOE Indonesia would conduct an ‘International Symposium on Open and Distance Learning’ (ISODEL) in Kuta, Bali, Indonesia on 13–15 Nov 2007. This is a part of activities of HE Bambang Sudibyo, Minister of Educ Indonesia as a Presdient of SEAMEO Council and also chair of ASED Minister.
We should greatly appreciate your assistance to disseminate this information to colleagues in your respective countries. For details pls visit our website: http://www.e-dukasi. net/symposium. Any questions pls contact OC at symposium@pustekkom .go.id or to my personal email: soekartawi@yahoo. com. Should you need an official invitation, pls let us know.
Kind regards & thanks
Prof. Dr. Soekartawi/Special Duty Officer/OC
MOE-Indonesia
Komentar kedua :
# soekartawi Says:
Februari 9th, 2008 at 9:16 am edit
KEBIJAKAN PEMERINTAH DALAM MENUJU TERWUJUDNYA KNOWLEDGE BASED SOCIETY*
Oleh: Soekartawi**
(soekartawi@yahoo.com)
ABSTRAK
Pemerintah telah bertekat untuk mensukeskan pembangunan nasionalnya agar pada tahun 2025 nanti masyarakat Indonesia tergolong sebagai masyarakat yang berbasis pengetahuan (knowledge based-society atau KBS). Masyarakat yang demikian dicirikan oleh masyarakat yang menyadari akan kegunaan dan manfaat informasi. Dalam KBS masyarakat telah memiliki pengetahuan dan kemampuan untuk mengakses dan memanfaatkan informasi serta menjadikan informasi sebagai nilai tambah dalam peningkatan kualitas kehidupan’.
KBS semakin diperlukan karena hal-hal sbb: (a). Semakin besarnya permintaan tenaga kerja terdidik (skill workers) yang menuntut adanya pendidikan sepanjang hayat. (b). Semakin besarnya pemanfaatan ICT yang berdampak pada proses produksi (proses produksi yang cepat, biaya produksi yang murah, diperlukan skill workers yang ICT-literate). ©. Semakin besarnya tuntutan wawasan global untuk mengetahui perkembangan ekonomi dunia (perdagangan, investasi asing, knowledge transfer). (d). Semakin besarnya kerjasama internasional dan karenanya sangat dibutuhkan network yang berskala internasional, dan (e). Semakin pentingnya R&D dan kegiatan lain yang melahirkan inovasi.
Peran Departemen Pendidikan Nasional (Depdiknas) dalam ikut mewujudkan KBS telah dicanangkan dalam Visi dan Rencana Strategis (Renstra) Pendidikan Nasional dengan program yang dinamakan tiga pilar pembangunan pendidikan nasional. Visi Depdiknas adalah ’terwujudnya sistem pendidikan sebagai pranata sosial yang kuat dan berwibawa untuk memberdayakan semua warga negara Indonesia berkembang menjadi manusia yang berkualitas sehingga mampu dan proaktif menjawab tantangan zaman yang selalu berubah’. Sementara tiga pilar pembangunan pendidikan nasional adalah (a). Pemerataan dan perluasan akses pendidikan; (b). Peningkatan mutu, relevansi, dan daya saing keluaran pendidikan; dan ©. Penguatan tata kelola, akuntabilitas, dan citra publik pendidikan.
Bila cita-cita menuju KBS ini dapat diwujudkan, maka tujuan pembangunan seperti yang diamanatkan dalam UUD-1945 yaitu ’mencerdaskan bangsa’ akan semakin dapat dicapai. Karena itulah maka kebijakan menuju KBS ini adalah (a). Mengupayakan perluasan dan pemerataan kesempatan memperoleh pendidikan yang bermutu bagi seluruh rakyat Indonesia; (b). Membantu dan memfasilitasi pengembangan potensi anak bangsa secara utuh sejak usia dini sampai akhir hayat dalam rangka mewujudkan masyarakat belajar; ©. Meningkatkan kesiapan masukan dan kualitas proses pendidikan untuk mengoptimalkan pembentukan kepribadian yang bermoral; (d). Meningkatkan keprofesionalan dan akuntabilitas lembaga pendidikan sebagai pusat pembudayaan ilmu pengetahuan, keterampilan, pengalaman, sikap, dan nilai berdasarkan standar nasional dan global; dan (e). Memberdayakan peran serta masyarakat dalam penyelenggaraan pendidikan berdasarkan prinsip otonomi dalam konteks Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia.
Namun demikian masih banyak kendala yang harus diperhatikan dan diselesaikan dalam menuju KBS ini yaitu, antara lain kendala yang berkaitan dengan (a). Konektivitas, dimana tidak semua daerah Indonesia terkoneksi dengan audio, video, komputer dan web-based technology; (b).Tersedianya SDM menguasai teknologi tersebut, ©. Isi pembelajaran yang digunakan, dan (d). Tersedianya kebijakan yang mendukung upaya-upaya menuju KBS.
Kata Kunci: Kebijakan Pemerintah, ICT dan Knowledge Based Society.
— — — — — — — — — — — — —
*Makalah Undangan (Invited Paper) disampaikan pada Konferensi Nasional Sistem Informasi (KNSI) 2008 yang diseleggarakan oleh Universitas Sanata Dharma Yogyakarta, tanggal 14–15 Januari 2008.
**Guru Besar Universitas Brawijaya Malang yang kini ditugaskan di Departemen Pendidikan Nasional, Jakarta.
Mungkin mayoritas dari sampeyan mengira bahwa komentar pertama tersebut adalah SPAM. Begitu juga saya pada awalnya menganggap itu spam, tapi saya dari alamat emailnya saya melihat itu orang Indonesia dan juga tidak ngasih banyak link seperti gayanya spam. Jadi ya cuek saja… ntar kalau memang spam biarlah Akisment yang mengurusnya :D.
Untung pengirim komentar yang panjang-panjang, terima kasih saya haturkan :)
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